The United States Constitution, in essence,
was deslgned to restrain the exercise of power.
Yet prominent Founders such as Alexander
Hamilton and James Madison made naïve assumptions about the willingness of
their fellow-Americans to feel so bound.
They argued that because the Constitution
enumerated certain powers possessed by the Federal government (set forth
primarily in Section 8 of Article I) those powers not recited were not
available to the Federal government.
[But only ten years later, in 1798, Congress
passed the Alien and Sedition Acts authorizing the President to expel any
foreigners deemed dangerous.]
In Federalist Paper No. 84,
Alexander Hamilton wrote:
“Why declare that
things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why,
for instance should it be said that the liberty of the press should not be
restrained when as power is given by which restrictions may be imposed?”
Hamilton, in effect, was assuming that since
the text did not authorize the suppression of liberty, such would not lawfully
occur. And implicit in that assumption
was the expectation that America’s future lawmakers would abide by his
interpretation. That was a doomed –
naïve - hope.
James Madison joined in that
expectation.
“I go on this great
Republican principle that the people will have virtue and intelligence to
select men of virtue and wisdom [to make our laws].”
The Congressional approval of the Alien and
Sedition Acts vindicated the need for a bill of rights which had been
championed by anti-Federalists such as Virginia’s George Mason. Implicit rights may be deduced but are also
subject to varied seemingly legitimate interpretations. Explicit statements of rights, too, can be
challenged and modified, but the foundation is certainly more substantial and
resistant to assaults against what were considered to be inalienable rights.
As events have demonstrated in the following
two centuries, not only were efforts frequently made to undermine the rights of
Americans by ignoring Constitutional restraints but many court-sanctioned interpretations
of seemingly clear and unambiguous language made a mockery of the concept of
limited government the U.S. Constitution was intended to embody.
For instance, Section Eight of Article One
authorizes Congress to regulate trade and business activities that are
interstate as well as “commerce with foreign nations… and with the Indian
tribes.”
But contrary to the expectations of Hamilton,
et.al., the restriction of Federal power to interstate commerce was made a
nullity by a 1930’s Supreme Court decision allowing Congress to control
intrastate activities as well. (The
rationale? Even if commerce is confined
within a state, there is always the possibility that such might have an impact
elsewhere). And what in life isn’t
possible? Does that mean that the
Constitution only limits the “impossible”?
That renders the Constitution nonsense.
A simple fact of human nature is that those
who possess power not only are inclined to exercise it but are often driven to
expand its reach.
This is a truth which, in some respects, the
Founders readily understood. Madison’s
balance of powers proposals were incorporated into the Constitution as a check
on such propensities.
Of course, our Founders were great men. They did extraordinary things and they were
human. Wishful thinking is a human trait
for us all.
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