Shortly before its demise, the Obama Administration, citing
new impediments to the peace process, blasted the Israeli government’s
announcement that it was expanding settlements in the West Bank.
The response was predictable. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear
his anger and denied any change in Israel’s support for a two state solution in
Palestine. Republicans, and many
Democrats, voiced strong approval for the Israeli decision.
For its part, the PLO – Fatah – certainly was not pleased
by the news, and it is seen as a necessary party to any peace settlement,
right? So why would Israel further
inflame the situation by building new settlements? It seemingly makes no sense. But things are sometimes not what they seem.
Perhaps Israel is using a policy of expanding Jewish
settlements as leverage to expedite resolution of the impasse between the two
sides. The longer the delay in reaching
an agreement, the more numerous will Jews on the West Bank become.
Consider some demographics.
At present, about 430,000 Jews live in distinct settlements throughout
the West Bank, an area roughly twenty miles wide and sixty five miles
long. Since the 1967 war, this area has
been controlled by the Israeli government.
Arabs on the West Bank are about two and a half million. Increasing settlements will certainly strengthen
the Jewish presence in territory claimed by the Palestinians and pose greater
difficulties for accommodation between the two peoples.
But, ironically, that prod, that incentive to compromise,
may be too sensible for that part of the world.
As discussed previously here (TSC 1/15/17l), the genuine hope for a
lasting peace is probably illusory.
Neither side expects it nor may want it, actually fearing its potential
consequences more than the status quo.
Israel’s leadership is suspicious of Fatah’s claims to want
peace and fears that if it were to occur, the lull would be temporary and
damage the country’s ability to recover when, as expected, hostilities resumed.
As for the largely secular PLO government, peace, too, is
dangerous. Hamas, its deadly foe, would
seize upon the period of peace to oust it from power. [Israel is hardly unmindful of the fact that
Hamas, unlike Fatah, has maintained its vow to destroy the Jewish state.]
Interestingly, it is a well-known secret in the area that
Israel provides support to the PLO, military and otherwise, in its struggle to
hold the upper hand over Hamas. The
settlements, existing or proposed new ones, accordingly, don’t seem so important
to either side. Of course, the PLO
Palestinians don’t like the intrusions, but they need, evidently, Israel’s
cooperation for their security needs.
And Israel wants a release for some of its six million Jews (out of
eight million citizens within its borders) who have the religious zeal to
reoccupy biblical lands. There seems no
downside. Certainly the more Jews living
in the West Bank, the more likely their presence results in a fait accompli,
negating any need for a negotiated settlement whatever. So if the impasse between the two parties
proves to be interminable, the continuing settlement influx will have a
strategic effect: the West Bank will simply
become absorbed into greater Israel with citizenship rights of Arab inhabitants
to be determined.
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