What is termed profiling is actually a prejudgment – an
assumption that people or individuals falling into certain descriptive
categories are more likely than others to engage in certain behavior than those
who do not fit within such categories.
Prejudgment may or may not be accurate.
We all profile in a certain sense. Here’s an example: if we are among strangers and need help,
those who smile are deemed to be more friendly than those who don’t and hence
more likely to help. That is a
prejudgment against those who do not smile, is it not?
In fact, we go through – and navigate -- life by drawing
upon our experiences and the judgments and lessons of others to form beliefs
about all sorts of things. People we can
trust (for example, medical doctors); those we can’t (used car salesmen and
politicians). The prejudgment may be
well founded or it might not be. If it
is, to term the practice “profiling” does not make it illegitimate; it is
merely common sense.
Shortly after 9/11, police were called aboard a
commercial airliner sitting on the runway of a major American airport because a
group of dark-skinned men in Arab-style dress were chanting something in a
foreign tongue.
The alarm was false.
The men were Muslim clergy reciting ritual prayers as prescribed by
their religion.
The episode was condemned by many Americans as blatant
bias. But was it?
It was only common sense for fellow passengers to be
suspicious. After all, hadn’t the
highjackers been male Arabs reciting Allahu Akbar? Of course, the reaction would not have been
the same if those praying in the aisle had been Catholic nuns wearing
habits. But isn’t that the point? They wouldn’t have fit the profile of those
who might pose danger as perceived by the passengers.
But what about prejudgments that are a part of public
policy?
Some years ago, New Jersey State Police were being
criticized by the media, and liberal policymakers in particular, for targeting
luxury cars for traffic stops if they were on I-95, bearing Florida tags and
being driven by young black men.
The basis of the profile was that vehicles fitting it
were more likely to be transporting drugs.
The assumption was probably correct, but the consequence
was that many black drivers were stopped who were doing absolutely nothing
wrong. They felt singled out and,
indeed, they had been. Their displeasure
with that policy (sarcastically termed the offense of DWB – driving while black)
was understandable.
Yet the policy was not malicious in intent. The purpose was to increase the prospects of
catching drug-runners. But considering
the imposition the New Jersey program imposed on the many to catch (without
dispute) the few, it arguably was an inadvisable use of profiling. The gain didn’t match the cost.
But what should the police do when a group of young black
males are seen loitering outside a luxury jewelry store at 3 a.m.? Statistics make clear that they are more
likely to be “up to no good” than, say, a similar number of black females or
older Middle Eastern men. Should
profiling – common sense – heighten police suspicion of their intentions? Again, let’s assume that the young black
males pose a higher risk, but it was one of possibility, not probability. Certainly for the police to confront them is
an imposition on them. Does that concern
counterbalance the police desire to reduce the possibility of a crime
occurring? I would suggest that the
profiling is quite appropriate as would be consequent police action.
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